Address by President MCAleese to the European Parliament Office Conference
Address by President MCAleese to the European Parliament Office Conference ‘Ireland's Voice in Europe's Democracy’
Ambassadors, Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen.
I greatly welcome this opportunity to join you today at this important and thought-provoking conference. My thanks in particular to Dr. Jim O’Brien, Head of the European Parliament Office in Ireland, for inviting me here and to Dr. Miriam Hederman O’Brien for her words of welcome.
This Conference takes place within a week of the entry into force of the Amsterdam Treaty. We also meet at a time when questions of transparency and accountability have been under particular scrutiny both within and between the institutions of the European Union. These important questions which relate to democratic participation, and the effects of the new Treaty, should be of very great concern to every citizen and to all who wish to actively participate in the European elections which are now just over six weeks away. It is a good time to reflect on Ireland’s voice in this radical adventure in European democracy.
Ireland in the EU
Last year, Ireland celebrated twenty five years of membership of the European Union. A fear which existed at the time of our accession, and even afterwards, was that Ireland, as a small and peripheral nation, would be swallowed up by a huge European process in which our interests and identity would be hardly noticed. Given our experience as a colonised nation these concerns were entirely understandable, but in fact the opposite has actually happened. The European Union has provided an ideal showcase for Ireland, economically, politically, socially and culturally. Through a careful mix of knowledge of the system of European negotiation and a tight focus on national priorities, it can be said that successive Irish Governments have "punched above their weight" and have achieved a remarkable profile for Ireland within the Union. It is true to say that we are known among our EU Partners as a reliable and efficient Partner in whose hands sensitive issues will be dealt with expeditiously and carefully. We have demonstrated, through successive referenda, enthusiasm for the process of European integration with a realistic awareness of what is achievable between our interests and those of our partners.
Ironically, far from being a disadvantage, our success here may owe something to our small size. We do not have a large bureaucracy and so decisions can be made quickly allowing coherence to be maintained in negotiations. We have proven not only that small is beautiful but also that it can be effective.
Our success and effectiveness is, I believe, now increasingly accompanied by a more mature awareness of why we in Ireland are in the European Union and what we can contribute to its development. Two months ago, I spoke at the European University Institute in Florence, itself headed by a distinguished Irish academic, Professor Paddy Masterson. There, I identified a number of challenges which I believe face the European Union in the years ahead. Among these is the need to continue seeking to address more effectively the direct concerns of citizens in areas like employment, the environment, social exclusion and the fight against international crime and drugs especially. We must also increase popular understanding of the European Union - what it is, how it operates, its ambitions and the choices which it faces. As I said then, the challenge is to win the acceptance of those who are sceptical, the interest of those who are indifferent, and the allegiance of the citizens whose interests the Union is designed to serve.
As with real and sometimes difficult political choices, it is a question of public support, not of public relations. This is not about spin but about capturing people’s loyalty and imagination. Politicians and public servants have a critical role here, for member States are themselves the implementing agencies for European legislation. This means that all the institutions of national and local government have a role in clarifying issues which arise at European level but for which it falls to individual Member States to devise and implement solutions.
Ireland has been a full participant in the process of European integration for a generation. We have benefited enormously from membership of the European Union, and have at the same time contributed comprehensively to the Union's development. Irish people increasingly see the European Union not simply as an organisation to which Ireland belongs, but as an integral part of our future. We see ourselves, increasingly, and comfortably, as Irish Europeans.
Ireland has one of the most open economies in the EU. The combined value of our exports and imports of goods and services greatly exceeds our GDP which means that we are exceptionally dependent on trade for our economic well-being. The Single Market has been, and continues to be, of enormous benefit to our economic growth – a crucial driver in our economic success.
Ireland's membership of the European Union has always been about more than free trade and financial transfers, important as these may be. At a broad political level, the shape of much of Irish public policy has been profoundly affected by EU membership. Equal pay legislation, environmental protection policy, consumer protection law, competition law, health and safety statutes, social cultural and education policies - the list goes on - all have been influenced by decisions taken by Ireland and her partners at European level. We have been participants in a wide-ranging debate about the nature of civic life, of individual rights and the role of law in reshaping attitudes, so that we can see the evolution of a recognisable Euro consciousness infusing and influencing life and lifestyles across all member States.
Membership has given Ireland the means and opportunity to influence the evolution of the European Union and its policies. This was evident for example during Ireland's 1990 Presidency which presided over EU discussions concerning unification of Germany. In 1996, Ireland's EU Presidency and chairmanship of the Inter Governmental Conference which resulted in the Amsterdam Treaty once again gave the country a key role at an important stage in the Union's evolution. The period of our membership of the Union has coincided with, indeed has been a key factor in, an increase in our national self-confidence, a strengthening of our identity and a more effective international profile. Europe provided us with a forum for showcasing our unique culture and traditions – aspects of our heritage which for too long we effectively hid under a bushel. We found we were admired for that very uniqueness we had thought a disadvantage, and through that admiration, have come to value that heritage as a cause for pride and self-esteem. I have no doubt that this cultural self-confidence, that sense that we can compete and succeed in any forum, has played no small part in our current economic success.
We therefore owe a great deal to what is still the world's largest, most fundamental and exciting experiment in shared sovereignty between not simply democratic nations but, more importantly, between parties and peoples across a continent. We must, I believe, set the current controversies within the Union in their proper context. History has shown, both in our own case and that of other entrants into the Union, that nations have joined the European project in order to draw strength from its collective ideals, its economic coherence, and its democratic dynamic. Because of the structures and balances within the Union, no country has suffered a loss of voice or a reversal of its interests, through membership of the Union. We are indeed, in the Union, greater than the sum of our parts, and disputes which arise do so within a momentum which has supported and developed peace, security and economic and social development in each of our societies.
Treaty of Amsterdam
As I said at the outset, the Treaty of Amsterdam will enter into force on 1st May. The Treaty states explicitly for the first time that the European Union is founded on certain principles: liberty, democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms, and the rule of law. Respect for these principles, which are held in common by all the Member States of the Union, is a condition of admission to the Union. Henceforth, were any Member State old or new to turn its back in a fundamental way on the principles of liberty, democracy, human rights and fundamental freedoms and the rule of law, it would run the risk of being sanctioned by the Council of Ministers - possibly having its voting rights suspended. That this provision would be invoked only in an extreme case such as a coup d'etat, illustrates in itself how unthinkable it is that an EU Member State would reverse itself so catastrophically, hurling itself self-destructively away from that unique framework of values and principles which has served the peoples of Europe so well.
For over forty years, the EU Member States have engaged in a noble effort to replace the law of force with the force of law. At the fundamental level of rendering war among themselves unthinkable, the effort has been spectacularly successful. The fifteen nation states which today continue to forge a new order in the European Union are themselves mature democracies. I believe that the new European order is, at the very least, gradually acquiring democratic legitimacy and that each of us has a serious stake in this evolution. As the political parties begin to concentrate their attention on the June European elections, this Conference is a timely effort to interest citizens in the one EU institution which is elected by direct universal suffrage: the European Parliament.
European Institutions
The role of the European Parliament however cannot be fully understood except in relation to the other major institutions of the Union, the Council of Ministers and the Commission. Its role is not directly analogous to the role of national Parliaments any more than the role of the Council of Ministers corresponds to that of national Governments. Similarly, the role of the Commission is not to be equated to that of a national administration. The sole right of the Commission to initiate legislation has remained a constant in Community business. Linked to this exclusive prerogative to propose Community measures, is the requirement that the Commission be equally independent of all Member States and that it make proposals as far as possible in the interests of all Member States.
This independence in turn makes majority voting possible. Without a measure of confidence that the minority interest will also be taken into account in the development of Commission proposals, Member States and especially smaller Member States would insist on unanimity in Council for the approval of all proposals, making it impossible to conduct business effectively.
Such an indispensable level of independence however, calls for a parallel degree of responsibility, accountability and co-operation with the other institutions of the Union. The Council looks to the Commission for proposals which balance interests within and between Member States; for consistency with the Treaties; and for effective implementation of legislation. Ireland, as a small Member State, values this role enormously. Equally, it is the issue of Commission accountability which has engaged the attention of the European Parliament and the Parliament has made accountability an issue for the European voter.
European Parliament
The original unelected assembly, forerunner of the European Parliament, had advisory powers only. Ireland was still a very recent member of the Community when an Act which came into force on 20th September, 1976, decreed that " the representatives in the European Parliament of the peoples of the States brought together in the Community shall be elected by direct universal suffrage". Just over two decades later, the directly elected Parliament has become a real and active participant in the complex but essential balances in the structure of the Union. This has been achieved by means of Treaty change, the latest of which we are about to see next month, but also by virtue of an increasingly skilful exercise of democratic voice by the Parliament as a whole. It is true to say that the degree of co-operation between the Council, Commission and Parliament in the drafting of the Treaty of Amsterdam was never better and permitted a greater level of input from the Parliament during the course of negotiation than had ever been achieved before.
It is not surprising therefore that the Amsterdam Treaty contains, for example, important new provisions in relation to the role and authority of the Commission President, and to his approval by Parliament. I believe these will have a dynamic effect on the relationship between Parliament and the Commission, and in turn between the Commission and the Council. There is no downside to the passing, by all the institutions of the Union, of a democratic test which ensures transparency of action, clarity of purpose, and effectiveness in execution. I hope and believe the Parliament and the Commission will respond to the new powers and responsibilities envisaged in the Amsterdam Treaty, in that spirit.
Apart from the new powers in relation to the appointment of the President of the Commission, a highly significant increase in the use of co-decision between the Council and the Parliament will see an increased role for the Parliament as co-legislator within the Union. This move, an evolution from the Maastricht Treaty which introduced co-decision, represents a further enhancement of the democratic dimension of the Union.
Ireland's Voice
How then can Ireland's voice be heard most effectively? To consider this we must, I think, constantly look at Ireland's needs and interests and how these are best pursued within the balance between Europe's institutions, all of whom have, in differing forms, democratic legitimacy. We have an impressive track record in making our voice heard in Council, with five successful Presidencies having been achieved since our accession, and we have a strong tradition of effective participation in the Commission College. Our participation in a 626 Member Parliament may, by comparison, appear destined to be less prominent. I would suggest however, that this is already not the case and is less and less likely as the Parliament evolves under the provisions of the Amsterdam Treaty. Irish participation in the various Parliamentary Groups has been active and successful in defending Irish interests and in voicing concerns which are Irish and European.
If there is any forum in which the dual nature of our thinking concerning our place in Europe - a confident national identity and a vigorous European contribution - can be made evident, it is the European Parliament. The European Parliament is both a channel for expressing Irish concerns about issues which are developing on the European stage, and also a means of bringing to the electorate views and ideas which originate elsewhere but which have a resonance in Ireland too. There is no facet of Irish life which has not been touched by our membership of the European Union, and apart from the Governmental level of legislative and regulatory change, it is also vital that European thinking be made an integral part of our own national debates.
Europe cannot be alive if it is only seen as a series of agreements reached - it must also live as a series of questions asked, of issues raised and of legitimate rights pursued and vindicated. There is no clearer role for the Parliament and there is no better way to bring the reality of our European democratic discourse home to Ireland. This "living" approach is also essential if we are to continue to convey the reality of Irish perspectives and concerns to our Partners. I would hope that the weeks which remain until the European elections will throw into sharp relief this increasing role of the Parliament as the place where the directions which Europe must follow are freely explored. That role offers great potential for the Irish, with our history of skilful success beyond our shores, to make effective Parliamentary contributions for which our own democratic experience equip us very well.
We have, I would suggest, a coincidence of maturity. The "coming of age" of Parliament is coinciding with the "coming of age" of Ireland in Europe. The European Parliament is assuming an increasing role as partner in legislation with the Council of Ministers, and has become a valuable participant in the deliberations of Member States whenever Treaty change is envisaged. As it takes on this maturing and responsible role, Ireland is also finding that our position in Europe is changing. From a position of clear reliance upon transfers from our Partners we have moved to a more balanced condition. The day can be foreseen when Ireland becomes one of those Member States to whom others look for support for projects which are not directly, or even in large measure, of benefit to us.
That is when the role of an institution such as Parliament will be vital in stimulating not only debate upon one proposal or another, but also in creating the public interest among our European peoples to continue seeking to achieve a solidarity which we have valued in the past, and which we must respect in the future. Creating a European consciousness will not be done by institutional means alone. I take from the controversies which have been evident at European level in recent times, that all of the participating institutions wish to look to a future based upon a level of trust and partnership, properly reflecting the solidarity among our peoples that is the bedrock of the Union. The whole purpose of applying standards of accountability, transparency and openness, is to keep faith with the trust of the peoples of Europe who have gained so much through the creation, development and success of the Union.
I feel also that there are some enduring truths in both our own experience on this island and in that of Europe which remind us of how far we have come, and how valuable that trust is. Our own experience has been to create a mature democracy from a situation of conflict. This equips us well to understand and contribute to European efforts to create a process of peace and security throughout the Continent. Last year I attended a ceremony in the fields of Flanders which reminded me of the terrible effects of war on the continent of Europe and of how none of us remain unaffected. Our place in a European home is an intrinsic part of our future and was a shaping part of our past; and the search for peace there is our search as well. The European Union offers strength in that search, and will always represent a way forward for nations and regions in conflict which need both political and practical support. The current crisis in Kosovo is a sharp reminder of the goals which lead to the foundation of the European Union. It highlights that these goals remain as true today as then.
Conclusion
Ireland has sought, and received, generous material and political support from the European Union in our search for a peaceful accommodation of the divisions in Northern Ireland. We know how effective and supportive the collective will of Europe can be in that context, and we can express this through the forum which gives a voice to the people: the European Parliament. We have seen how members of the European Parliament from both traditions can come together to work at European level. There is no other arena in which this could happen at present and it means that the European Parliament can play a unique role in creating a place of expression for that voice of Ireland which says yes to co-operation, yes to solidarity, yes to a future which continues to build on the progress made over the past forty years. A Europe which responds to Jean Monnet’s timeless call to unity and idealism on which Europe is founded and which our children and generations not yet born rely on us to defend.